To browse Academia. Within the frames of research over forms of settlements in the Teutonic Order state in Prussia, 1 alongside the questions concerning foundations of towns and villages, as well as shaping their mutual relations, it appears that a number of specific issues require their own dose of consideration. In: Questiones Maedi Aevii Nove. In: Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica. Yearbook for the Study of the Military Orders 19 In the paper beside the modern Polish or Russian names of towns and villages are also given their old German names. Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica, Ordines Militares. Colloquia Torunensia Historica. The book was published with funds of the program Cuius regio. An analysis of the cohesive and disruptive forces destining the attachment of groups of persons to and the cohesion within regions as a historical phenomenon, decision of the Polish Minister of science and Higher Education No. The contents of this volume may disappoint those readers who would wish to find simple answers to traditional questions about the moment at which the Silesion region came to life and the role played in it by different social groups. The results of research performed by historians prove that these questions are in fact anachronistic. Indeed, phenomena which are typically recognized as elements of this process are highlighted, but attributed different meanings. The picture of the region provided in the course of research is very dynamic. The aim of it was also to indicate factors having the largest impact on the shape of the water mills network existing here in the Medieval period. The situation in Prussia was determined by the policy of the Teutonic Order. It was indeed possible only due to the fact that the Teutonic Order, as the biggest land owner in the state, had water regale at its own disposal. It would give it the opportunity to plan a network of mills relevant to the needs of the settlement network in foundation. The location Sex Huren Olesno Slonskie Polen a watermill resulted above all from the real occurring economic needs and adequate water conditions. Authorities tried to keep the largest possible influence on the decisions on locating new buildings. Owing to that, on one hand, in the content of documents detailed provisions banning constructions of new mills in a given distance from the already existing ones would be included, and on the other, a system of incentives was applied in the form of milling coercion enforcing specific settlements to use only the designated mill. Town and villages location laws are abundant with references to the existence of mills or, even more often, just the plans of building them. The Order, bishops and chapters, while issuing the documents, often reserved for themselves the right to construct such a machinery, excluding parts of the terrain needed for that purpose from general location laws. Issuing a permit to build and utilise water mills in exchange for rent and the system of reservation, had a considerable impact on the way mill networks were created and the rules of their functioning. Planning the economy of rural area in terms of water mills allocation was also manifested by establishing separate mill hamlets, which enjoyed the status of independent settlement units. Water mills constituted an important element of the economic infrastructure of rural areas, and that their functions were closely related to the organisation of villages as well as the farms production profile, thus with the scale of grain cultivation in juxtaposition to animal husbandry. It also meant that millers had to cooperate closely with the village community, sometimes by means of regulations included in mill laws and location documents of individual settlements. Within the framework of colonisation campaign conducted by the Teutonic Order in Prussia, based on locating towns and villages, Sex Huren Olesno Slonskie Polen a development of a whole economic infrastructure commenced, of which an important part, the water mill was. Attempts to control that process occurred already at the stage of town or village location, which is indicated in the mentioned clauses of reserving the places for anticipated milling facilities. Later, analogical control was exercised over newly built or redeveloped mills. The economic crisis of the state observed in the Sex Huren Olesno Slonskie Polen of the 15th century, indicated by the phenomenon of desolation of villages, would also result in water mill network regression. Remarks on town, parish and monastic schools in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia and in Royal Prussia in the Middle Ages The issue of organisation and functioning of schools in the Teutonic Order state in Prussia has already been addressed in historical research Antoni Karbowiak, Emil Waschinski. This article makes an attempt to provide a summary of the results of previous studies on the topic and takes into account not only urban and rural parish schools but also monastic schools. In the earliest period of the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, founding schools was dictated by the need to educate future clerics, including those originating from the Prussian population; this purpose was served by cathedral schools established by the local bishops. It was not much later that the idea emerged of setting up schools in towns in order to provide education for the laity; those schools were closely connected with the functioning of parishes. Researchers estimate the number of urban and rural schools, confirmed in various ways in sources, at aroundincluding around 50 outside towns. Other sources confirm the existence of schools only in the case of large towns; it is those schools that played the biggest role in educating the youth. Control over schools initially stemmed from the right of patronage over parishes, exercised by the Teutonic Order and individual bishops. Accordingly, parish priests supervised not only the activity of schools, but also the appointment of their rectors. However, in the process of their emancipation, town councils tried to gain control over appointing teachers. One factor at play was that the costs of building and maintaining school premises were covered by the councils; the remuneration of teachers usually came from fees paid by students from affluent families.
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